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.N 1 



THE 



PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, 



WRITTEN FOR THE BENEFIT OB 



THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, 



BUT PARTICULARLY FOR THOSE OB 



THE STATE OF KENTUCKY. 

(SecotiDr scvtea,) 

rr— ■ , ^ ' " MM — *" ■—■n 

BY PHILO- JACKSON. 

LOUISVILLE: 

l'Rl.NTED FOR THE AUTHOR, 

1823, 



INTRODUCTION. 

A publication, some time ago, appeared in the Morning Post, 
xt Louisville, under the signature "Philo-Henry," relating to the 
Presidential election, which ascribed to me the authorship of a 
series of essays, which had been previously published in the 
Louisville Public Advertiser, under the signature, "Philo-Jack- 
son, : ' in which, the writer thought proper to make imputations 
against me by personal description, and to deduce inferences 
from them, which were impertinent, vulgar, false, scurrilous and 
groundless. 

These calumnies and wilful falsehoods, have induced me to 
re-publish those essays, in pamphlet form, as the best means 
of vindication. Those pamphlets have been gratuitously and 
extensively circulated, through the post office. By such meaus, 
I have been able to shew to the readers, and particularly in 
Kentucky, that they contained nothing for which the writer de- 
served censure, much less reproach and scurrility. But the 
most important purpose, in the re-publication, was, that General 
Tackson might be better known and more justly appreciated. 

Ever}' person who knew General Jackson, knew also, that he 
would not take the steps which would be necessary to effect that 
purpose; but I considered the objects so important to the Amer- 
ican people, that even under such discouragements as then exis- 
ted, I deemed it my duty as a friend to inv country, to make 
those exertions. I knew thai it would be difficult to succeed, in 
a country, and among a people, where the angry passions had 
been variously, industriously and wickedly excited, against this 
patriot, soldier and renowned chieftain. 

It may be clearly perceived that lhe s e es*m s were mainly 
ievoted to promote the election of General Jack-on. But noth- 
ing was said against either of the other candidates, even f>v 
•'omparison. hut having been personally assailed, like impulses 
of duty require, that I sBould vindicate myself; in doing this. I 
shall he compelled to bring into view and comparison the de- 
merits of the other candidate*. 

By such mean*, you, people of the United States, and partic- 
nlarly of Kentucky, will have an opportunity of knowing the 
opinions of an individual, who will communicate them, unawea\ 

he frowns of the great, unseduced by the smiles of the 

■ 



IV 

It is foreseen that the manner of performing this duty, will be 
unacceptable to many, and by some, will be deemed even more 
than discourteous, so that were it not most true that I viewed 
General Jackson as the most deserving of all the candidates, I 
would delist. Indeed it affords no small degree of surprise, that 
they do not individually, possess i sufficient stock of patriotism, 
to induce them to withdraw, and for the present, postpone their 
claims to this high office, in favor of one, whose talents and ser- 
vices are so far superior to their claims. 

Should any of them say, in reply, that the general interest of 
the country, and the genius of the government, requite that the 
people should give their votes to those electors who will vote 
for General Jackson, then, and not till then, shall 1 believe that 
genuine patriotism hold? a mansion in their bosoms. 

The friends of Mr. Clay will perceive, as well in this intro- 
duction as in the following pages, that he who has voluntarily 
espoused the cause of General Jackson, and of course of his 
country, was not entirely unworthy of the assumed duty; that 
he has taken into comparitive consideration the merits and de- 
merits of the other candidates; that they have been weighed in 
the balance, and are found wanting; and that, in his former pub 
locations, he gave no provocation to either of them or their friends, 
for personal insolence or detraction against himself. 

It is frankly admitted that many very worthy friends of Mr. 
Clay, have upon several occasions, expostulated with me upoa 
the tendencies of my opinions and publications, and while 1 give 
this voluntary demonstration and acknowledgment. of their high 
respectability of character, and of my personal esteem for them 
1 am compelled to adhere to my own opinions and purposes, and 
I now most solemnly aver, that in comparison with 6on Jack-on, 
no candidate deserves the support of the people; and I further 
aver, that were General Jackson not a candidate', 1 would not 
support Mr. Henry Clay, because I do not believe that he pos- 
sesses those attributes of character and talents, which ought to 
entitle hint to till the otlice to which he aspires. (Thjs I know, 
is a bold assertion, and by main of his partisans and eulogi- 
will be deemed a vet\ presumptuous one. My r. lor this 

presumption and daring, shall be he i rafter illustrated.) 

Header- are now pre-mooished of m\ intentions, and m 
as many have already done, when I confined myself sob ly to the 
deserts of General Jackson, refuse to proceed and read what 
will be prepared, and either cast a i iy, destro) or conceal the 
pamphlet. But before tlio\ shall ma lifest such a want of can- 
dor and independence, they "ill remember that they will ca; 



V 
ually come into their hands; that they will not belong to them; 
that they will be circulated freely and without cost, and that 
they are requested to hand them, or pass them to some others, 
to whom in succession, the same request is also made. 

Some of Mr. Clay's partisans are so much addicted to intrigue, 
and of manifesting sensations which are foreign to their hearts, 
that they have accused me of a secret devotion to th£ success 
of Mr. Adams. For this they can have no other reason except 
a consciousness of secretly approving one candidate and out- 
wardly supporting another. '•% Heavens, I had rather be a dog 
and bay the moon than such a man.'''' 

As often as I have had an opportunity, I have fully counter- 
acted such a chimerical falsehood, as to myself; and have aver- 
red, as I now do. in the strongest terms that language can con- 
vey, that the accusation is totally groundless; and that I really 
prefer General Jackson, not only to every other candidate, but 
to any other man in existence. 

I have, in my former pamphlet, shewn why I think he ought 
to be elected — and I will hereafter shew my objections to the 
other candidates, not only as they separately and intrinsically 
relate to themselves, but in comparison with my favorite; and I 
think it not only highly probable that I shall clear away the sus- 
picions against myself, of insincerity, but shall convince many 
who are my accusers, that they also ought to adopt and acknowl- 
edge the same preference. 

There was indeed another name before the people, as a can- 
didate, Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina; but before Jackson's 
name was announced, he was withdrawn to the regions of ever- 
lasting glory. With this man, had he lived. I should have been 
satisfied — but even l>i« Halms, great as they were, were inferior 
to those of Jackson. 

I am indeed surprised, that any honorable man should suspect 
me of want of candor, as to the support of those purposes, 
which I avow. Such as may read what follows, must be incred- 
ulous and suspicious, beyond the power of language, longer to 
impute to me any other purpose or hope, public or secret, than 
the single one of promoting, as far as I can, the election ot a 
man of whom 1 have heretofore said, and now repeat: 

"la regard to General Jackson, it is uot believed, nor will it 
be insinuated, by his most zealous calumniators, that he will 
coenproroit his high honors and tarnish his glory by intrigue, to 
secure his election; or that he can ever be induced to separate 
himself, either by act or in feeling, from the happiness of the 
people, and the liberties, prosperity and true glory of his country. 



VI 
( 'In his youth, he fonght for freedom; m his advanced life, tie 
has done more than any other to perpetuate it. He has aban- 
doned all offices, all emoluments, and is the true imitator and 
representative of Cincinnatus. In declining life, he has express- 
ed a willingness again to serve his country. He offers himself 
without intrigue, or entreaty, without solicitation or circumlocu- 
tion He offers a« a pledge for his fidelity and devotedness, the 
records and memoiy of w hat has been done by him. He prom- 
ises nothing more. His partisans and supporters are disinterest- 
ed volunteers. Their consciences will testify to themselves their 
own honorable emotions; and General Jackson's entire public 
career, both civil, social and military, teacbes them to know 
that they cannot, by any services in relation to the Presidential 
election, entitle themselves to any other favor or notice, than ma\ 
consist with the interests of his country and his own personal 
honor. In doing their duty to promote his success, they impose 
upon him no other obligation than the performance of bis public 
duties without fear, favor, partiality or affection. 

'•General Jackson's defamers say, that he is fit to command ar- 
mies, and no more; and that such duties should be iosei\ed foi 
him; but are they sure, that in case of a war. he would be em- 
ployed by the President who might be elected? If it is believed 
that he is more fitting than any other for military command, ivbj 
not ensure the certain use of bis rare talents, by giving him the 
office which makes him the constitutional commander ei' all the 
forces of the United States? 

"Let the pages of history and the fables of fancy be brought in- 
to consideration and comparison, and even then In* illustrious 
achievements, tv it h their consequences, will assure to him public 
honors and an everlasting pre-eminence. Without high birth, 
without family influence; wit boat vreajlh; h« basiVilfiUed or sur- 
passed all expectations. He challenges all times and countries 
for comparisons. The mandate of Heaven commissioned him 
foj its servant, to save and give happiness to his country. He 
fulfilled the mission, and stands on a pedestal of imperishable 
glory. He bids dcliance to calumny, and acquires new splendor 
from malice, enrj and revenge. 

"Such i- ihe man whom I have recommended to the people of 
the United States ;i« (heir l'i< aidant." 

\\ hile I am writing, intelligence has been received from the 
City of Washington, that Mr. Clay has been elected as the Spea- 

kej ol Congress, and I have been tauntingly asked whether I 

would not now give over my support of General Jackson, To 
these inquiries I have answered, and now repeat — No — and I 
lor this pamphlet as the evidence of my sincerity 



VII 

Whether Mr. Clay's election has proceeded from sympathy; 
from a preference for his talents for that station, or from dislike 
to his only opponent, is not worth the inquiry. My own opinion 
is, that Mr. Clay was well qualified, hoth by experience and tal- 
ents, to discharge his official duties; and therefore, unless his 
competitor was at least equal to him, Mr. Clay ought to have 
been preferred. But the qualification for that station, does not 
prove that he is also well qualified to be the President of the U. 
States. So likewise, a maa well qualified to be the President, 
might not be also qualified to be a good Speaker. 

It is stated that the New-England members preferred Mr. 
Clay, even to one of their own party, whose qualifications are 
universally admitted. Upon this occasion, they surrendered all 
party, local and personal preference, and gave their votes to one 
who was so well qualified. But it does not follow because they 
have supported Mr. Clay, to discharge a ministerial duty, in one 
capacity, that they will support him as the President of the Uni- 
ted States. 

For my part, I rather infer, from their promptitude in voting 
for Mr. Clay upon this occasion, under the influence of sound 
discretion and justice, that the operation of the same principles 
will induce them to confer their votes on General Jackson as the 
President of the United States. This conclusion is just in it- 
self, and highly honorable to them. This will ensure his elec- 
tion; and then we may expect that a new era will commence, 
vhich will be equally fatal to intrigue and intriguers. 



»SlI3t'©«3rA®BLS®» 



PHILO-JACKSOJY— SECOND SERIES. 



No. I. 



THE SECRETARIES. 

It is now expected, that I should say something, relating to 
the other candidates. We learn from the public prints, that 
there are five persons who aspire to the Presidency of the Uni- 
ted States, viz. General Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, a soldier 
of the Revolution ; Mr. Henry Clay, of Lexington, in Kentucky, 
now a member of Congress; Mr. John Q,. Adams, of Massachu- 
setts, now Secretary of State; Mr. John C. Calhoun, of South 
Carolina, now Secretary of War, and Mr. W. H. Crawford, of 
Georgia, now Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Dewitt Clinton, 
of New -Voile though talked of, has not declared, and most like- 
ly, would he preferred by the State of Ohio. 

In regard to the three secretaries, of the three highest de- 
partments of government, next to the President, their power and 
influence are each very great. They are the agents, by whom, 
most of the money of the United States is disbursed; and al- 
though they may act as checks upon each other, and in that re- 
lation, may be considered as the guardians of their country's in- 
terest, yet it must be very obvious that if they should choose to 
confederate with each other, the public money might be dilapi- 
dated and lost, to a very great amount, and if they should long 
continue to conceal such transactions, the means of exposure 
might tc.uc, and tiju^ public officers liiigni escape, and the pub- 
lic treasury would he deprived of an inconceivable amount. It 
is not pretended that the present incumbents are capable of form- 
ing such a conspiracy, but we should suppose that, that which is 
practicable, is possible, and that as so much power, popularity 
and intluence are vested in them, we should at least, be watchful; 
so much so, as to give to the people, as far as it may be necessa- 
ry, for their interest, and safety, proper assurances. In regard 
to the office which is now sought after, it will be admitted that it 
is worthy of much exertion and much solicitude. 

The offices which the Secretaries have filled and enjoyed, and 
yet enjoy, are prima facie evidence of their merit, and the sup- 
port which they receive from distant parts of the United States, 
proves that their conduct entitles them to public approbation. 
They therefore stand so equal in their rights, claims and expec- 
tations of success, that no one, not better acquainted than I am, 



4 

ought to give an active and zealous preference fb either. At 
present they are equal in power, ec^na] in chums, and equal in ex- 
pectations, and must depend upon personal friendship, local resi- 
dence, or some adventitious matter, not acknowledged nor justi- 
fied, for success. If there were no other candidates, as far as I 
have had the means of obtaining information, I would as soon 
depend upon the fortuitous turn of a copper, as I would upon any 
preference, which might be given on the score of their offices 
and talents. 

But there will be no necessity, as to me. for such an examina- 
tion, because I am at the present time and. for a long time Imck, 
have been, decidedly opposed, to each and all of them, and shall 
Continue to retain that opinion and determination, so long a? they 
shall continue to exercise the respectne ollices of which they are 
now the incumbents, and I should feel the same sentiments, even 
after their resignations, should they not make a full and final settle 
ment of their accounts, in regard to all the public money and 
trusts which have been under their agency ; and should also ob- 
tain and publish under the acknowledgments of proper authori- 
ty, acquittals in every case; such acquittals too, shotild be obtain- 
ed, in such reasonable time, before the election of President, as 
will afford to the people an opportunity, of examining and deci- 
ding upon their official conduct, and of fully testing their respec- 
tive merits. Should no such resignations he made; no acquittals 
be obtained and published; 1 shall, and the people ought to con- 
clude, that the failure must proceed from a consciousness that such 
acquittals cannot be obtained, or that they prefer, to secure the 
certainitv of their present odices. to the chance of succeeding in 

the office "f Prosiilon* 

I do not, nor never can approve, of giving (he highest office 
in the government, to any man, holding either of those olh 
until lie shall have descended to the ranks, become one of I 
people, and enjoy no advantage, except H hat may be due foi v'u 
tues, talents and services. 

Should it become the settled usage of the country, to elect the 
Secretary of State, or some other secretary, how easy would it 
be. fir tho«e functionaries, to make secret appropriations and 
concealments of much public money, screen the faults of each 
other, and thus, by a combination, stimulated bj mtere-t 01 sell 
preservation, secure the office for one of themselves^ who tx 
thqs elevated, might appoint his coadjutors, to the other situa- 

tloi 

The possibility of such a combination, ought to be guarded a- 
gainst; aud so far as the opinion and voice of one man can ope 



b 



rate, shall be guarded against; and now is the time to do it, when 
there is a candidate, equal to any of them in talents, superior to 
all in services, against whom nothing can be imputed, and who 
claims no advantages of ofhoe or influence, beyond the force ot 
his merits. It is proper here to observe, that there has been 
much complaint against some of the heads of the departments, 
in regard to the waste and expenditure of public treasure. Much 
has been said and written upon this subject. The public mind is 
not, nor can it be satisfied, further than to believe, that frauds of 
some character or another have been committed — That much 
public money has been lost, and some one, or more, of the per- 
sons now under notice, have been blamed; but who he is, or in 
what manner, and to what extent, the people neither know nor 
have the means of knowing; and should they enter into a mutual 
combination, or exculpation, and thus secure the election of either, 
they never will know. The last ray of light will be extin- 
guished, and even hope will expire. 

After an election shall be thus effected, even if the convictions 
of guilt should be as clear as light, and as strong as holy writ, 
or as far famed as the victory of Orleans, what man so destitute 
of all prudence, as to array himself against such federated in- 
iquity, in pursuit of public justice? No such man would ever 
present himself, and the spoilers would securely enjoy the har- 
vests of iniquity and dilapidation. 

These are considerations, and present points, on which the peo- 
ple ought to be satisfied; and if true to themselves, to their coun- 
try, and to the rich inheritance which was bequeathed by Wash- 
ington, and confirmed under a new tenure by Jackson, they will 
be fully satisfied, before thev dispose of their votes, to cither 01 
the candidates. 

The Secretaries are now called upnn, by one of the people, 
to resign their offices, to settle their accounts, to obtain honorable 
acquittals, to return to and mix with the people, and claim no ad- 
ventitious advantages, derived merely from their offices, sal- 
aries, and the patronage derived from those offices. Should 
they, or any of them, descend to the people in that character, 
and no other, and ask for the confidence and suiTrage of their 
fellow-citizens, the causes of opposition will cea-e against such a 
purified man. He will stand before the world and posterity, afi 
spotless and unblemished, and his election will be hailed as an 
auspicious omen, even by his political :idvei>aries. 

But on the other hand, should the Secretaries retain their offi- 
ces, procrastinate their resignations and final settlements, the 
people will have a i\\\r right to concbulr. '.hit they durst not risk 



6 

their chances and hopes upon so precarious an issue. They, and 
they only, are the judge? of the effects which ought to be pro- 
duced by these recommendations: that is, by resignation and the 
prospects of examination and acquittal. 

But if they continue to retain their offices, and one of them 
should, hereafter, become the President, and it should be as- 
certained, that he is, at this time, a public defaulter, and largely 
indebted to the government, what will be the sensation? and re- 
flections of those, who being thus premonished. voted for him? 
Vi hat will be the degradation, to the general character of the 
country? What will ho ihe prospects of success ha regaining the 
lost treasure? Who will be the insulated and daring man. who 
Will grapple with 8U|Ch odds. The people are invited and en^ 
treated to take, what bias boon suggested, into serious considera- 
tion, and before they shall increase their powers, and strengthen 
the hands of either of the aforesaid Secretaries, Adam~. ('law- 
lord or Calhoun, to know of a truth, that they ha\e resigned 
their offices; that they have discharged all their duties 
with fidelity, talents, and honoi; that they have become pri- 
vate men. ana depend upon the people, and the proud conscious- 
ness of their own deserving-: but failing in these things, they for- 
feit all pretensions to the confidence and patronage of the people. 

Thus haring shewn, (he unqualified preference, which onghl 
to be awarded to General Jackson, in comparison with the three 
retaiies. I shall next endeavpr to shew, in a comparison with 
.Mr. Clay, that the conclusions must also be greatly m his favoui 

.? REG/8) m I 1'iio.V. 
Having now demo nst r a t e d uir ol<jcoti.->n? io iU ilurr 6e< .eta- 
iic*; having maturely weighed (he bearings of those objectioi 
and !>r> u: ^ convinced that no arguments can be offered, which, with 

• .will extinguish theii force, I shall feel no excitements to ad- 
duce against either of them, any ' not connected with 
their characters. Othei - thej please. In regard to 
the ol President ol the United State-, let their virtues 
and theii attribute- of i haracter be What they may, so long as 
Ihey retain theii present offices, so long thej will be voluntary 
outlaws; and-" long as they shall prefer to enjoy the pro:!;-, In- 
fluence, and advai ivable fi >.m (hose offices, of which 
they are now the incumbents, and benel -. ilong they will 

ustaio n barrier between (hemscUes and the office to which 
their hearts are devoted, and which, .e decisions of 

mj mind, shall be un\ 

If t lie three Secretaries wish to ameliorate or to repeal this 



7 
sentence of proscription, let them resign their"offices, settle their 
public accounts, establish their claims to virtue, credit and confi- 
dence; return to the people, array themselves in the garhs of in- 
nocence, and stand upon renovated characters, and purified 
claims. A virtuous and grateful people, will then hasten to hon- 
or and reward them, according to their fair and well establish- 
ed merits and claims. 

I shall next take under consideration the treaty of Ghent. 

rillLO-JACKSON. 



Ab. //. 

THE TREATY OF GHENT. 

I shall next turn the readers attention to Mr. Adams and Mr 
Clay, in relation to their conduct, as Ambassadors of their coun- 
try, to the government of Great Britain, the war with that na- 
tion, and to the Treaty of Ghent. The opinions already ad- 
vanced in regard to that war, demonstrate that these Commis- 
sioners, or either of them, in promoting it, or in subscribing to 
the Treaty, do not entitle themselves to the consideration which 
has been awarded by their respective partisans, and re-echoed 
by a deluded people. The war I consider to have been rash, 
inconsiderate and divested of all those high sounding attributes, 
for which their names, as eilicient organs in making it, have 
been blazoned; and still more, that the Treaty of Peace which 
they subscribed, (for which the eulogists of Mr. Clay, claim for 
him divine honors,) is, and will ever he an imperishable testi- 
monial against him, as a statesman and patriot, and of the dis- 

giate of the v-ountrj. 

I do not know whether Mr. Adams was a partisan or advo- 
cate for the war, to the extent that Mr. Clay has been; but 1 
know that he subscribed, as a commissioner, clothed with au- 
thority, to a treaty, which virtually surrendered (o the British 
government, the right of the Fisheries. By this act, he depri- 
ved, as far as he could, at the least, 15.000 men, of the means 
of supporting an equal number of families; and that puit of the 
United States to which he belongs by birth, of at least one mil- 
lion of dollars of clear profit, annually, derived solely from the 
ocean, and from honest industry; aud still more, of destroying a 
most valuable nursery of seamen. 

Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, two of the signers of this far fa- 
med treaty, and their friends, have worried each other, and 
wearied the people, with their criminations, recriminations and 
vindications, upon this subject; each endeavoring to shew his 



8 

pre-eminence and preference of claim, for public confidence, 
honor and reward; and while they play their cards with i heir 
best skill, for that purpose, it is now pronounced to themselves 
and to the world, that in this matter alone, they have forfeited 
every other claim upon their country, save only its everlasting 
contempt. 

Many will sustain this opinion; all ought to do so; and why 
it has not been generally advanced, may be answered in the 
apathy and unwillingness, manifested by men of high charac- 
ter and influence, against the examination of questions, in which 
they neither feel a positive duty nor interest. 

It is not necessary here to say, that there are not men in the 
United States, who ought to be preferred to General Jackson; 
but 1 hesitate not to say, and the investigation will certainly de- 
monstrate, that neither Mr. Adams nor Mr. Clay can support, 
with the people, when well advised, and divested of prejudice, 
such a comparison, as will authorize unprejudiced and patriotic 
minds, to prefer either of them to him. 

They, who give their voices, or otherwise assist, in subjecting 
their country and the people, to the dangers and expense* of a 
war, without having means to support it, and without sufficient 
causes for commencing it, and then make a peace, when in the 
full tide of victory and success, without obtaiuing a guarantee 
for the pretended causes, cannot fail to expose themselves to 
the censure and ridicule of the world. 

They, whose names are connected with these historical 
events, ought not to be tolerated in the hope, that a deluded, 
deceived and injured iienplp. should ever confer on them, an] 
ofiice which might give them other opportunities of committing 
farther injuries. 

Many assume great personal credit and consideration for the 
efficient parts winch they performed, in preparing the public 
mind, and urging the people to war. The\ boast of the mili- 
tary glory and public renown which have been acquired, but 
do not speak of the losses, disgraces and dangers, which weic 
connected with it. Let those who now claim the benefit of the 
glory, tell the people who they wore, who assisted in obtaining 
that same glory. Let them give in testimony , that some of lb' 
who were most a< live in the yell for war, have devoted then 
time, talent- and influence, to degrade and stigmatize some oth- 
ers, who were most successful and instrumental, m acquiring that 
glory; and even now, by a political usurpation, which is well 
understood, and ought to be exposed, are busily employed in en- 
deavors to appropriate the same glory to themselves. They 



10 

The man who can derive consolation and claim public honors 
and iewards, for having been a principal promoter and author 
of those losses; merely because he made a few declamatory 
speeches upon the subject: who now place* himself before an- 
other, whose real services have immortalized himself and his 
country, by his victories and by the general benefit derived 
from them, would not hesitate, if another opportunity should 
occur, to plunge his country into another war, and thereby se- 
cure for himself an additional stock of the same false glory, ob- 
tained by the waste of thousands of lives and millions of dol- 
lars, and iecorded in the best blood of his country. 

Have such things happened? When, where, and upon what 
occasions did thev happen? The debates in Congress, relating 
to the Seminole War, in the session, 1817, 1818, recorded in 
the supplement to the 15th vol. of Nile*' Register, will shew 
who were the aggressors, and who was the intended victim. 
The opinion of the author has been given upon a former occa- 
sion, and shall be hereafter fully illustra-ted. His opinions, then 
given, and his endeavors to sustain the high character and 
claims of General Jackson, were thus made public, and submit- 
ted to the examination and decision of every disinterested and 
U patriot and statesman, 
lams and Mi Clay have been too long petted, caressed 
and tlattered, like spoiled children, by their friends and eulo- 
They have been proclaimed, in their respective regions 
ry, as statesmen, of srch exalted attributes of charac- 
rnany of them will read these remarks with astonish- 
es r S '• id perhaps with indignation. They are now admonish- 
t the writer, so far as respects himself, is entirely indit- 
so far as relates to the welfare of his country, he would 
them if be could; and at all events, he not only recom- 
inends, but solicits, that they will read with patience, retlect 
fnuch, and always stale the case fairly between their country 
and these conspicuous men; between a tissue of truths which 
cannot be denied nor obliterated, either from record or from 
memory, and the inflated presumptions and pretensions of aspi- 
ring and ambitious men, whose interested and selfish characters 
and propensities, may be fully established, by many acts of their 
lives. 

Mr. Adams, if fame speaks truly, has been a pensioner upon 
the public treasury, exrept during two short intervals, since 
his boyhood. There has heen aluavs some olfice. some place, 
some employment, uhirh he might bold; and the -alarie- have 
always been convenient. What have been his services? or, 



9 
will filch, if they can, from the right owners, all that is deemed 

honorable 1 and metitori , relating to the war, and the glories 

thereof. 

First, let their, claims to glory be strictly examined, and then 
let us bring into (he account, theuntimel) .ienth-, in battle, by 
sickness and ci- . of atle i »Usand men, and mo:e 

than ha ny wi rs, and an equal number of orphans; 

many th - of maidens, who, by the untimelj destruction 

of th? \< utfa ■'. the country, have been doomed to single wretch- 
edness) tK« general political influence of a diminished po( 
tion, of the espv-miiun e of (at the lea-t) one hundred millions 
,,j dollars — of the increasing annual loss in mterest alone of 
twenty millions more, and so on. to eternity. 

Let a philosopher and a philanthropist compare and contrast 
all these losses, with the glory which has been acquired, and he 
will not long hesitate in foi tniog bts decision* Let the w l< 
orphans and maidens, the parents bereft of theii sons; lei the 
departed shade- of ;.t least fifty thousand men. who were Killed 
or who died, be cal led back ; lei all these* and all other per- 
who will calmly relied upon whal th. \ -aw or believe, be called 
upon to determine, between such losses, all of winch are real, 
and cannot be repaired, and the entire quantum oi glory which 
js imaginary and transitory — they, no, not one of them. ■• i 
sider those numerous and everlasting losses, to be comp 
by glory. If not. what ought now to be said of those, ■ 
their heao- together, and fbi on combinations to purloin ti i 
ol glory, and avert the meed of pi n-e from those wh 

-i-rve 'nem, and appropriating them to other-, wl 
performed, or attempted to de more, than could be do 
clamation, i j and « gotism ? 

e more. I require them, to ca c t their eye- upon t i,e j 
thousand graves of deceased husbands and sons; upon tlu' n 
if wretched widows, mothers and- sisters; upon the | 
erty of orphans and destitute children; upon I d 

-. upon the general demoralization of then country; upon 
the continued and everlasting lapses in capital, both in m 
.•mil in human Inc. which would have added to the nations 
annuaJly, at least tw< ye thousand a nte, and twenty millions 

of dollars, with a progressive increase upon each of thc^e re- 
sult-, for all time ti 

Let all of these sacrl i ij evidenl results, be 

rayed against theglor i h bash lieved, who will de- 

in its favor, and bo« few will be found, who would aspire 
to be<" lUthor of such glory 9 



11 

what great benefits the public have received from them, or him, 
which coulrl not have been as well done by many of otheis. I 
know not; but this I do know, that he was one of" those that 
subscribed to the Treaty of Ghent, which I have already Baid 
was disgraceful to the Signers and to the country. 

Mr Clay has, also, ever had hi* eyes upon the loaves and 
fishes; and if upon any occasion, he has faded to get them, his 
friends will all admit that he either wanted the inclination or 
reasonable industry to insure success. These competitors, as- 
sociates, and now rivals, both now aspiring to the highest office 
in the civilized world, have obtained the characters of being 
great statesmen and patriots, and yet I defy any man to shew 
an instance, in which their talent- have been employed in the 
service of the public, not connected with their own personal in- 
terests — and I also defy their fiiends, to demonstrate, that they 
ha\e e^er rendered to their country any services, e>en equiva- 
lent to the public treasure which they have received; much 
less, to entitle them to ask. as a further reward for tho.-e servi- 
ces, the highest office, the be-t salary, and the greatest power, 
that can be couferred by the people of the United States, upon 
any man. 

Now let ns take a similar survey of General Jackson. Has 
he not rendered services which entitle him to the gratitude and 
applause of his country — nay of his enemies? Has he not ex- 
alted the fame of his- country, in connection with his own, to the 
highest pitch of immortal glory? Has he not filled many pub- 
lic offices, both civil and military? lias he not performed the 
duties of all, with talents and fidelity? Has he not, whenever 
a service was performed, resigned all power and restored him- 
self to the simple rank of a private citizen? Has he not refu- 
sed to accept of an appointment, high in honor and conspicuous- 
ness, by the simple occupation of which, he would have obtain- 
ed, for one single year's appropriation of his time, eighteen, 
thousand dollars ? 

Behold, and mark well the contrast, between this immortal 
man. this Cin -innatus of his country, in the peaceful occupa- 
tion of his farm, but lately summoned by his own state, to till 
the highest office it can give, and those egotists, those office 
hunters, those men who aspire to any thing and every thing-— 
those men who never have acted but where money abounds; 
who have never faced the public enemy, never will act in any 
public relation, without the certainty of pecuniary benefits; 
whose lives are too holy and valuable foi hazard, and whose 
greatest pretensions for popular favor, depend upon some con 



12 
neetion with that war, which has cost their country so many 
live- Mini sp much treasure, and endangered il i ral liberty 

— in which they rendered do service, except a disgraceful peace 
can be so estimated — in « hirh General Jackson did more than 
wa» f\er done before, by mortal man. with like means, and has 
established a name and fame which will exisl forever. 

People of the United States, pause and read, or listen. ^ ou 
ha\e been addressed at some length b\ ■me ol yourselves, upon. 
subjects of i tie greatest importance. He is now far advanced 
in life; even so far. that some enemy to his country has deiided 
hi- efforts, and imputed them to the imbecility "t old age — ; md 
who ha« seen much, who performed during the Revolutionary 

War, the duty of a private soldier upon «e\eral occasion he 

then loved and yet love's liberty. He wants nothing lie h-mas 
for nothing. And hi- time, talents and pen. such as they are, 
have been freely conferred and appropriated to your benefit 
It is such a man. who now invites you to divest yourself es of pre- 
judice; to read more than once, these, and the f How ihg rema: 
and whatever disposition you ma 1 feel to discredit their testimo- 
ny, remember that this testimony is given by one. now in the last 
stage of his life; that he does not impart to you what be has col- 
lected by tradition, or borrowed from the great, the far lamed 
and the popular demagogue oi the day. He has, and "ill tell 
you truths, which he knows, or are established bj bistor} or b) 
record. He wishes to make you the instruments of perpetuating 
the liberty which Washington secured, and of bringing back the 
general charade t ofthe country . to w hat it was, wht n Washington 
lived and acted He has weighed the i I charactei 

General Jackson w ith an impartial eye, and a disinterested heart. 
and to the extent of his examination, and understanding, has de 

cided in his favour. 

PHILO-JACKSON. 



Ab III 
NAVIGATION OFTHE MISSISSIPPI, \XD 
THE FISHERIES 

"With re = pert to the dispute, which exists between Mr. < 
and Mr Adam*, relative to the willingness ol Mr. Adams to grant 
the privilege ol fating the Mississippi river to the British, 

a „,l the f Mr. Claj to allow it, I shaN not 

take the trouble to ascertain the "wAy* ond the a * wit 

J fc a , , etidl " oured to ascertain, what we're the data which ope- 
rated so strongly on the mind of Mr. Claj . as to have produced 



13 

rerable ohjcctions to Hint measure. I have also endeavored 
to ascertain by t!ie best light* of my understanding, whal great 
evils were likely to result to the United States, or to it? citizens, 
\n allowing British subjects, in the character of traders, to make 
their enterprises on that river, and my researches have been 
vain and fruitless. The failure, on my part, may be attributa- 
ble to my feeble or benighted mind ; and when such political lumi- 
naries as Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay support a personal altercation, 
upon that porrrt, iu all humilty and deference to such pre-eminent 
vcifdom. I must retire from the contest, and remember that, "when 
Greek meets Greek, then comes the tug of war." 

Oh yes — such a war on Mr Clay's side, shoulci have been 
sustained by industry and talents, hut, concerning which he has, 
as yet, done nothing more, than to take his stand under the em- 
phasis of his voice, in connection with the high sounding words, 
<-iusvrcrable objections.''' Mr (lay has made no advance, nor can 
it be said that he has retreated : nor. in reason should he give way, 
because he will never be able to make a stand more favourable 
for himself, than he has done, under the protection and defiance 
of those words without defruite import; (insuperable objections,) 
— nor would his partisans allow him to condescend, to give a rea- 
son, ''though reasons were as plenty as blackberries " They think, 
and many of them say. that their favorite should not condescend 
to the giving of reasons, but that it is enough that he has pro- 
claimed his determination — so great, so wise, so independent is 
he. 1 shall now leave Mr. Adams and Mr, Clay; the one assert- 
ing, the other defying. 

Foi my part,l have now and then ventured to show my face 
with these great combatants, in the science of government, and I 
frankly acknowledge that 1 can discover nothing, for which Mr. 
Clay entertained and proclaimed his insuperable objections, nor 
what hobgoblin beset Mr. Adams, to induce him to appease Mr. 
Clay's insuperable objections, by abandoning even in thought, the 
invaluable rights of the Fisheries. But so it was, and the real 
politician will wonder, when he is told, that a peace was con- 
cluded, which received the sanction and signatures of the great 
Mr. Adams and the great Mr. Clay, wherein those two person- 
ages took no more notice of the right of taking and curing tish, 
as before enjoyed, than they had done in regard to the avowed 
cause of the war, "Free trade and Sailor '* rights." 

In the course of the many reflections, which, from time to 
time, 1 have bestowed upon these subjects, I have sometimes al- 
lowed my imagination, to make excursions into futurity, and upon 
c uch occasions, I have mentally and prophetically sceiummerouj; 



14 

steam boat? propelled up the M i — i -•= i ppi and Missouri, laden with 
the manufactures of (iieat Bntaio, such as we e suitable foi the 
consumption of the \% !»• ■ U* population, and of the Indians also, if 
you plea-e: and J have al-o .-een, through the same medium I lie 
inhabitant.- of the com. I y, aii hastening to the invitations of the 
adver.tuiers; all trading, bai terir.g arid cleti \ e; u.g the products of 
the country, and teceiv ing those articles which would appease 
their *vanl9. 

operations of this kind, the work shops of England would 
be brought to the very doors of yoo* colli vators; ami they would, 
at the same time and plncp. find markets for their produce. 

1 have often been beset by this anticipation of the mind, and 
really had some time- indulged in the fallacy, e\en to the most 
delightful sensations. Hut alas! all on a sudden, 1 recollected the 
dictum of Mr. Clay, that he wanted ihe inclination and had insu- 
perable objection*, to that which would produce and secure them! 

Inhabitants of the Mississippi and its tributary streams! I 
have written this foi your benefit, and pre-ented to your tmagi- 
na'ions. theoretical advantages. The\ are only he shadows of 
shades, for in good truth, so long as it shall be \ our w ill and pleas- 
ure to devote implicit obedience to Mr. Clay; eo long as he shall 
condescend to let yon know that he has. and most likely will ev- 
er have insuperable objections to the prosperity of your vast re- 
gions: to lost e i mg such entei pi i-es. such trading, and such I 
changes, so long will the people of the we*t be deprived of the 
full enjoyment of them; and Mr. ClayV insuperable - bjt lious, as 
they operate directly upon the interests ef the people, will be re- 
membered and treated bj ilicm, as »*/&« fuueUis fabric qf a rtnon.' 1 

1 know that there w ill be much declamation about the hostility 
of the Indians, and the murders of the frontier inhabitants. 
This will cine from Mr. (lay's partisans; for surely he, who but 
the <ther day endeavoured to attach a stigma to General Ja< 
son, for causing two or three Indian*, precisely of that character, 
to be executed, would not, in the very teeth of hi* own rhodo- 
montade, (hereafh r to be noticed.; now raise hobgoblins from 
the fears that -imilar murder*, and other like acts, of savage fe- 
rocity and pomp, might be exhibited. 

Thric appears to be such mystery and absurdity in the con- 
duct and course of .Mi Clay, thai I hai e Buspected. that his i. 
purpose was lo bewilder the public mind and understanding, - 
that one r< _'i.>n should BUpporl opinions, bo-tile to the opinibn? 
other regions — and thus raise a whirlwind of human passions, 
tending to all possible errors and absurdities, and ofer an ano- 
dyne to those whom he had thus bewildered, by kindly condfl 



15 

ing their affairs. Let it be remembered, that this is a suggestion, 
and that it is made when my mind, wearied and bewildered in 
the inquiry, seek? for repose, and finding none, is prone to yield 
to the very author of its obscurity and delusion. 

And now good people, I invite you to listen to a few obserra- 
tions, giving the results of much reflection, upon the immediate, 
direful, and everlasting effect?, proceeding from that act of di- 
plomacy, in which these literary combatants are at issue, by 
which the invaluable rights and usages of the fisheries were a- 
bandoned by these great luminaries, at the far famed treaty of 
Ghent. It now seems that Mr. Adams was disposed, to have 
made progress in the negotiation, by leaving the right of naviga- 
ting the Mississippi by the British and the right of fishing, &c. 
both as they stood before the war; but Mr. Clay positively re- 
fused to give his consent to the proposition in that form; declared 
that he had insuperable objections to allowing the British to navi- 
gate that river, though they had had that privilege before the 
war, which they did not use; and it also seems, that Mr. Adams, 
a native of Massachusetts, in the neighborhood of the fisheries, 
where 15000 men and their famdies were supported by that 
very business, was so much infected by the insanity of the day, 
that he yielded to his whims, and proceeded, finished the negoti- 
ations, signed the reaty, and paid none, no, not the slightest re- 
gard to the fi-heries. 

Whether Adams or Clay have been more to blame, in the da- 
ta which have led to this war of words, which have been pub- 
lished, 1 care not; but every American ought to be told, that no 
estimate can be made relating to the fisheries. They constitute 
an everlasting source of wealth, strength, subsistence and indus- 
trious employment, resulting in independence of mind and body, 
which might and may last forever. 

The fisheries promote marriage and population. They give 
birth to, rear, and instruct sailors in nautical habits, and enable 
the United States at all times, to create and support a navy, and 
upon emergency, to increase that means of national defence and 
strength 

Were all these things unknown to Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay? — 
and if they were known by them, how can they justify their con- 
duct in putting thern in jeopardy, for a day, an hour, nay for a 
moment? If they did not know these things what politician, at 
this dav, acquainted with the rights and interests of his country, 
can pretend to say that either of them is entitled to the character 
of a statesman, or to the confidence requaed for them bj 
their respective partisans? 



id 

I have said enough to induce the reader to think seriously re- 
lating- to the fisheries, their boundio- and unceasing inflaence up- 
on Ihe political and moral character of the • ountry; and 
were I called upon, as an impartial umpire on national at it it) . I 
should say without hesitation, art) without ceasing, that it Mould 
',>>■ hetter for the L niied States, in a national view, Dot onlj tu 
give up the navigation of the ppi to the i.i i-ii and In- 
dians, or to support an unceasing war with them, than to lose ihu 
fisheries — The loss of which would to the other numerous pub- 
lic privations, totally change the public character of the coun- 
try, and reduce the nation hum the high and honorable grade of 
b"eing a naval power of the tir~t respectability, to a humiliated 
race of low minded time servers. 

The day may come, though I hope it is far remote — far be- 
yond the duration of my life, when the title to our fishing liber- 
ties may again be in peril, as imminent as when the insuperablt 
objections of Mr. Clay, and the diplomatic pliancy of Mr. Adams, 
surrendered them to an enemy. If in that distant day, f 
merican statesman who mai/ be charged with the defence and protec- 
tion of tin. rights, interests and liberties of his country, should deem it 
g his qualifications fot roj>ossess sotne km,- f the 

faze of nations; some acquaintance with the history of Ins country, 
some patriotism, more comprehensive than party s/ irr 
prejudice ever gave, or can give. I tru^t in God. that hi* pr 
: ill have led him t" the discovery, that all tn itu . and all articles 
of treaties, and all liberties rea in treaties, are not ah 

ted by mar — that our fishing liberli 

the revolutionary war held at th Measure of the Briti 

and that the lawful interests and poise ic section 

n, arenvtto'be sacri nary profit of an 

i itlur by disparaging their value, or casting them i 
tertsts of a disaffected / art of our country. 

.. ye deluded Adamites and Clayites! 1 will make another 
appeal to your senses, on a supposition of a case^ which might 
)ia\e happened, and, under ordinary events, would have Happen- 
« d. When the treaty of Ghent was made, nothing was -. cured 

aid , ritlKM about the fishei ies or the navigation of the M 
sippi; both wore left ju*t as the Rriti? .inn, rut at that lime, 

ished, and Buited their interest and ambition. 1 
had every reason to presui e. thai an army of i reran 

troops, opposed only by a few und 'ciplined militia, would have 
taken < I . and so it would have been, but Jackson was there 

Orleans being al the month of the erors, 

• ■ >old have occupied and enjoyed il 



17 * 

The fisheries had been abandoned. In what a crippled and dcy 
plorable situation would the United States tune been? Orleans 
gone — the Mississippi occupied by the British ! — the fisheries 
abandoned! My mind sickens at the prospect, and although the 
dreadful prospect is now only a phantom of the mind, yet even 
in that illusory form it is dreadful; and still the deliberate authors 
of the worst of these catastrophes, have been in a wrangle with 
each other, endeavoring to shew who had been most worthy io 
transactions which might have sunk their country into ignominy 
and ruin. 

The country was rescued and redeemed, through providence, 
by the agency and heroic enterprises and successes of General 
Jackson; and one of the authors and the chief author of the 
greatest sacrifice, and his partisans, holding high stations and 
power in the United States, has endeavored to stigmatize the 
very man who redeemed his country from danger and difficulty; 
saved it from ruin and opened the way to one of bis persecutors 
and slanderers, to aspire to become the chief magistrate thereof. 

Had not the victory and success at Orleans happened, you 
might, at this time, have been engaged in a war to regain Or- 
leans and expel the British; and you would not have found ei- 
ther time or inclination to have amalgamated the ca-ual er- 
rors of Gen. Jackson. Mr Clay's speech on the Seminole war 
would never have been made, and he would not have been 
thought of as the President of the United States 

My invariable rule has been, in regard to elections and ap- 
pointments, always to prefer the candidate, if eq»al to ihe neces- 
anry duties, wtio nad ueen actively engaged in the Revolutiona- 
ry war. Also, if one of the candidates had exposed his life in 
the late war. 

Upon this occasion, Gen Jackson was engaged in both wars; 
so that my rule is satisfied, in each view, whilst neither of the 
other four candidates were engaged in either war; [perhaps they 
were too young in the Revolutionary war, but that was not the 
case in the last war — or in some of the Indian wars. They 
have always had, or have been dying to get profitable offices, 
place* of honor, power and emolument. Why were they not 
personally employed or exposed to danger in the last war. It 
may be answered, that some held one orfice. and some another. 
But will it be said, if they had gone into the field, the United 
State* did not contain other citizens, qualified to discharge the 
duties required in their respective offices and appointments? I 
will not here sneak particularly of Crawfoid and Calhoun, be- 
cause I arn not further prepared to do so, than I can be informed 
by the public prints. But it has been said, that Mr. Crawford 



|8 

W0B mainly instrumental in pre\ enting the establishment of mili- 
t , j)OSts, at ttic tmuth of the Yellcw Stone ir.fr. md at the 
IWandan villages — and it has been i ; i i 1 1 . that Mr. Clay, in -'.me 
Way or other, co-operated with him in tint project. ]f this be 
trne.il is a complete proof that Mr. Crawford is i *ate.-man; 

is nol capable of deter nii iog upon any important question 'S a 
prospective character — and Mr. Clay, if implies to 

stind in the eyes of all men. as unworthy of the • flic to win. I 
he isjirea. As respects Adam* and Clay, relative to the ire rj 
of Ghent, I ronceive their conduct upon that occasion, and Mnce, 
to give everlasting testimony against them. 

Upon the nhole, I do not approve, nor can I approve of eith- 
er of these aspirants, for the office which they solicit. 

Of Mr. Calhoun. I say at once, that he is too young to have 
such power and confidence entrusted to him. There are in ihe 
United Slates, man) men of modest meiit. in whom the , 
may very safely confide — whose age and anambtttoos habits nil! 
be sure guarantees that the people will ha«C nothing to tear from 

them . 

For the reasons which have been assigned, F prefer General 
Jackson for that office. His entire life shews, that hts ambition 
is of the mo->t honorable and disinterested character. It has been 

for his couutrv. 

riJlLO JACKSON. 

i — C ■■ 

Xo. IF. 

TRADE OF JVltSSOTrttt, \M> t lVHJZATlON 

OF THE INDIANS, 

I expect that Mr Clay's friends will reply to m\ argument. 
relating to the trade of the British on the Mississippi, by an 
alarming appeal to the exposures, thus en ed, of the frontiei 
inhabitants, to Indian hostilities, murdering, ' my 

will know no better, but many more, when they make the I 
will know, thai 'he frontier mhabi , m- will inn no ii-1; beyond 
that to which their own governmi 

■ f our government hadnol been thwarted, pbstru ed a I effect- 
ually opposed, b) some friend? of Mi Clay, military posts, of 
permanency and strength, would have been establish 
this day, on the Mississippi and the Missouri; to ihe 
The government had made a hold effort to establish BerHeinenHP 
at the month of the Yellow I nd at the Manama Villages, 

on the Missouri, and do doubt would have gone on to the Hock) 
Mountains, and from thence, aoroet to th< f the Colum- 

bia, oa the Pacific uceau. But ■ iieud-hke policy, sappofted bj 



10 

parricidal intriguers, raised an outcry against these efforts of 
wisdom, safety, and of the soundest policy; and that sagacity 
which had conceived and partly executed the plan, was checked 
and curtailed, and the whole of the vast population of Indians, 
consisting of many nation* and many thousands of people, were 
surrendered, as it were, to fhe wiles and wickedness of the Brit- 
ish traders and incendiaries, who executed their enterprises 
cros&w«6f IV mi Canada to the residences of those very Indians, 
and carried hack the peltry obtained from them, l»y means of 
the same route to Canada, thence to Quebec, and thence on the 
ocean, whillu rsnevei the fur trade imiied. 

Such is the present <tate of that trade, and of the means of 
intercourse with the Indians; while those who trade from the 
United States up the Missouri, and thence into the interior, are 
exposed to such risks and losses as may be inrlmcied, by the In- 
dians under excitements from interested British traders, as ex- 
emplified towards Ashley's and M 4 K night's companies or parties. 

While, therefore, Mr. Clay's insuperable objectitmi would not 
allow the British to drive a trade on the Mississippi and its trib- 
utary streams, in the most easy and natural way, they have, 
upon a plan entirely independent of the United States, estab- 
lished a more e.ic u as, more sure and m>re profitable inter- 
course with the same Indians They have roused the angry 
passions of some of the tribes, and have rendered a trade from the 
United States dangerour, even unto death. The fate of Ashley's 
and M' Knight's men, and the entire loss of valuable property, 
will speak a language much stronger than words can co ivey. 

On the other band, if the British traders could Imvc been 
allowed, or even induced to go up and down the rivers, on their 
trading expeditions, (he obligations of good deportment would 
have been enforced by their conduct, and might have been se- 
cured hy the energy of government; and the most positive cer- 
tainly and security might have been given, by the establishments 
at Vellow Stone, (he Maadan Villages, foe. All these things are 
now illusory, because they who successfully opposed these mil- 
itary. establishments, have presented to the frontier inhabitants 
a new and an alarming aspect; an aspect which presents dan- 
gers and horrors, by far more appalling than can be traced from 
the quiescent trading en that river, by British adventurer. Who 
would not, as a politician and as a philanthropist, now prefer 
that illusion, which I hate suggested, to the state of danger, 
robbery and death, which aie so e\ ident? Who would not pre- 
fer to see the enterprises of British traders, pa*- g securely 
and freely up and down the riiers, to those catastrophes which 
have happened, and those clher scenes cf direful import, which 



20 
may be anticipated? T requite from tho«e politicians, whose 
contracted policy defeated the firtt purpose, and therein ei.^ti- 
red these deplorable consequence*; and 1 connect the question by 
dnect inference and deduction with the diplomatic management 
of He peace makers of tihent. 

'J he arguments which have been used, without regard to the 
pi< eminence of General Jackson's claim?, satisfy me. that nei- 
thei Adams nor Claj were worthy of the confidence which the 
governmeat r opo-rrl in them, arid thai they, eithei from the pov- 
eiiv of their intellects, as statesmen, or from some unknown 
Cause, oup to their country vast and interminable attonements 
for their concession*, abandonments or negligence of duty and 
of talent, at the said far famed treaty; and it would suit their 
situations better, to obtain a pardon or an anodyne for their 
own faults, than to assume merit for them, and to insult a gen- 
erous and unsuspecting people, with a clamorous assumption of 
meritorious acts which were never performed. 

If the government of (he I'nited States intends to cultivate a 
more liberal policy towards the Indians, and really wishes to in- 
vite and allure them to gradual c\\ iltzation. would it not comport 
with that honorable policy, to sutler civilization and commerce 
to he carried to their villages and wigwam*. by every means 
which interest might dictate? In the furtherance o( this god- 
like policy, the British merchants and adventurers should be, not 
only allowed, but encouraged to give their assistance. 

It is true, that the British traders, by reason of procuring theii 
goods di recti y from the work-hop-, would have great advanta- 
ges over those traders who picked Uptbeir adventures, bcre and 
there, from retailers, consisting often, of remnants of o!d shop 
keepers, and unsuitable articles; and it is equally true, that the 
British tradei* would bave great advantages o\er them, but 
should a grand scheme of bettering the condition of the poor 
Indian*, and inviting them to abandon then savage and ferocious 
habits, be obstructed or changed, under the influence of such 
conside a i ins .' 

The government of the United States should exhibit a cheer- 
ing prospect . as to all those « bo might be induced to trade « ith 

them, as to themselves; and the\ should learn, fiom what they 
might see and feel, thai the -t e <gih of the government was so 
pered with liberality and' y, thai their interests and 

com tor i- we e directly con nee led with their own good behaviour 
\l i i B while, then mind- would open .and expand; the rights 
of rnmnn and tumn would he every where regarded, and the 
-m ige, fe roe ions and blood stained Indian, would seek for oilier 
resources of honor and personal gratification) than those of re 



i\ 

Venge and blood; and instead of weakening the real strength of 
oui government, by a constant preparation of a great portion of 
our citizens for defence and for battle, we should rind in those, 
now our enemies, new and faithful friends; and their fidelity 
would be ensured by a sense of continuing benefits; their enmity 
would be averted or paralyzed, by a knowledge that open and 
ingenuous friendship was their best security and policy. 

It will be objected, on the part of those who may wish to en- 
joy a monopoly of the fur trade, that the government in duty 
and policy, ought to secure the benefits thereof, to American ad- 
venturers, and thereby ensure the profits and spoils of the mo- 
nopoly, to our own citizens. This will be founded in a limited 
construction of the great privileges, principles and duties ot a 
free and magnanimous government, which ought to lend its ef- 
forts to ameliorate the condition of mankind, and particularly of . 
those, over whose happiness and deportment we have assumed, 
either a positive or an indirect control; and as an American pol- 
itician, while I paid the greatest regard to those things which 
would make the poor, untaught, unclothed savage, wiser, 
better and happier, 1 would not be diverted from my purpose on 
a suggestion, or even proof, that the American trader was cur- 
tailed in his profits, by Briti-h adventurers: provided these ad- 
venturers confined themselves within the just bounds of a fair 
trade, and correct moral deportment. My chief object would 
be to civilize and instruct the ignorant savage, and they who 
should therein do the most, would be deemed the most worthy. 

It has been impossible to give a toll scope to those and such 
like ideas, without turning the mind's eye to those late scenes 
which have occurred on the Missouri, at the Kicara towns, 
where plundering^ and murders, on the part of the Indians, ha\e 
issued in many deaths, great losses, and finally, in a war be- 
tween the troops of the United States and those Indians. The 
war, to be sure, has so far issued favorably to the United States; 
but has it ended? Is it known that these Indians will not unite 
with others, and wage a more extensive and dangerous war, in 
which, among other causes of excitement, the mortification of 
defeat and the emotions of revenge, will have a commanding in- 
lluence? 

Should such a war exist, who can fore-ee the extent of ca 
lamity, the number of deaths, and the amount of ni>t?, besides 
the general retroaction of those benevolent purposes, which 
have been explained? In the prosecution of those purposes, 
the whites and the Indians would have aided and co-operated 
with each other, in objects of mutual interest, by mutual inter- 
course; and they would have co-operated also, by ordinary in- 



22 

tereourse, the one in imparting, the other in receiving, the rodi- 
Bientsof civilization. Rut to whafwill the philanthropist 
direct In- hopes? On burned \ i!h>p*>F, on wasted fields, on mur- 
dered husband*, weeping wi\e-. and on a getter*! ruin and 
wrpck, incident lo the usages and results of wa 

I look at this gloomy and blood v prospect with the greater 
detestation, because I am confid* nt, that if Adams and lit j 
when at Ghent, had understood their duties ami (he general in- 
terests of the country, neither the bloodshed which has liapj en- 
ed, nnr the counHe-* ri ds which mav follow, would bar* exis- 
ted: and it is now that I trace to its -nice, the dieadful c 
quences of obstinate pride and impolitic | l rtinacy. It is now 
that I can fore-ee the dire eflects of Mr. Clan's insuperable ob- 

■ <ns, and not having traced or known what they are, 
cribe thetn to nothing more or less, than the piide and injury 
arising from ha\ itig assumed an expression of mystery, lie 
wanted talents to explain it, and candor to retrace his stej s, and 
become a man of common nndei-landing 

It is now, when my mind sympathizes in the catastrophes 
which have happened, and in those which portend and I 
with frightful and bloody prospects, that I the more highly ap- 
preciate the benign and wise policy, of those benevolent and 
trust-worthy men, who would have prevented all this, by milita- 
ry establishments at the Yellow Stone, Mam I an Villages, &c. But 
they have been counteracted — by whom and for what? let 
those who aie acquainted with the drama proclaim under what 
specious pretences they can. Tnev h.i\c unJir. <tlied tii 
excited savage passion and vengeance, and wasted the b 
and Uvea of many valuable men. They have indeed soc< ceded 
in the balance: but who can estimate In the loseis, the lo$ 
their lhes? Who can arouse or restore amicable feeli 
where vengeanse is honorable, and ciie- aloud? Who can pre- 
sent that picture of brotherly love and philanthropy, which once 

led, when the Indian and the white man used the same 
umet of peace and of pleasure? These scenes are gone, and it 
thc\ retain, it may be after thousands have been imtn 
the altar of revenge, and even the records of their memories 
will pre" sen I the ghosts of departed friends, who may yet ::• 
remind them of Qnsati&fted vengeance. 

lam sorr? thai - ennating sentiment dee- not sp 'nta- 

neonsly occur, and -often llie asperity by winch my mind i^ over 
powered, in regard to all those whose intriguing 01 niggardly 
icy, which has changed the aspect of the Indian conntry, 
from peace to war. Let the guilty be knov reward*! I 

they have deserved. 



23 

Should my opinion be now asked, I should say: Let there be 
a chain of posts established and continued, from the Council 
Bluffs to the Rocky Mountains, and thence to the Pacific ocean. 
Let there be every where, justice, kindness and the mosl liberal 
inducements to the Indiaosj, to adopt and put in practice, the 
rudiments* of civilization. Let them go on until the man of the 
forest shall become the man of industry, educative and useful- 
ness. Then wars and the inducements to war, will cease and 
be no more. 

I am aware that the liberal, benevolent ;ind expanded policy 
which 1 would adopt, and aeatousiy prosecute, towards the poor, 
unlettered and ignorant savages, nouldgive an aspect to that 
subject, very repulsive to many schemes of interest, war and 
revenge. That policy would be directed to their interest 1 - un- 
derstandings and gratifications. It should be firm, unyielding 
and invariably beneficial. Nor would 1 be discouraged, if at 
the beginning, difficulties and disappointments should, ensue. 
Neither would 1 take into consideration, whether an English 
trader or an American trader was more successful, in producing 
the wished for results. As he might succeed, or endeavored 
to succeed, he should be esteemed, honored and rewarded. 

The reader will perceive that I am writing as a philanthro- 
pist and philosopher, and I put the quarrels of Adams and Rus- 
sell, and Adams and Clay, as far behind me. and out of \iew, as 
if these great diplomatists had never existed. Instead of wran- 
gling whose policy would bp the >«n<it, or least c&cucious, to en- 
coorage intrigues among the Indians, to excite war and massa- 
cre again«t the whites, I would invite them to enter on a new 
contest, to shew who should do the most in the cause of humani- 
ty, civilization and moral rectitude; to convert the savages into 
humanized men, and to invite them, by those endearments 
which would operate most stroogly on their benighted 'minds. 

Let the diplomacy of these great public characters, whose 
pockets have been so often filled and replenished, with the gold 
of their country, cultivate the sensations of grateful hearts, arid 
•do something to promote the happiness and better the condition 
of their savage neighbors, than to rouse them to war, battle, 
blood and desolation. 

The establishments which the government proposed, at the 
mouth of the folio* Stone and at th^ M and an Village?, i.i con- 
nection with many others, which might hue gtfci ceded, would 
have enabled it to have extended those liberal views, which J 
have endeavored to explain, and by tbjfl time, (re might have 
seen steam boats, keel boats and canoes, in the whole extent 
•f the great aad far famed Mississippi and Missouri. But alas! 



Jl 

Those prospects are now the visions of former hope*. The au- 
thors of the*e schemes and mischiefs, and the results, n aj he here- 
ter portrayed, in comparison with the intention* of the govern- 
ment. Who ha\e heen, and continue to he. the organs arid au- 
thors of this parricidal, anti social, inhuman and nmie than bar 
barous policy. I know not, nor do I wish to know. A man who 
would contribute to the sacrifice of hecatombs of his fellow -men, 
to -ecure to his pur^e. his ambition or hi* fame, some selfish sue* 
ceases, will full soon obtain, from his own conscience, continued 
upbraiding*. 

To know such men. would ensure to them, a detestation which 
might lead on to this development As much as I want to 
know, is. that they exist; that they have played their wicked 
and unworthy parts; 'hat they have done enough to ensure the 
execrations of their country, and their own ovei brow. 

I am aware of the prejudice that may be excited, by this 
scheme of public utility and benevolence, b) alleging that the 
British traders will have a general advantage ov er the American 
trader*, which the government ought not to tolerate. To this, 
in addition to the benefits of the general policy, I will oppose 
the inclement of revenue, derivable from the importations of 
their goods, and the many inducements n>>w ailorded to them, to 
become citizens — and among others, Mr. Crawford's plan, ot 
promoting mai nages between the whites and the Indians, might 
be promoted, from the excitements of feeling as well as interest 

There can he no doubt, if Mr Crawford had contemplated 
the establishment of the intended posts, on the Mtssuuri, and on 
wards to the month of the Columbia river, as a leading, efficient 
and invariable measure, of prom< ting marriages between the 
red and the white people, that instead of the opposition with 
which be has been accused, ridiculed and censured, he would 
have been a sincere partisan and a strong advocate, fbi then 
permanent ami spi edj succi 

But why now tantalize bun or any man, upon the results of 
mean*, where Bmiling peace add joyi u- revel, with the endear- 
meats of social love and friendship, have gives waj t" the sin ill 
accent* of a desolating war? Tin* Btate bf thing- exit -■ and 
ma) be increased by portending event*, to wide spread dt - 
ten; and when the appalling is inevitable, then let the 

null. -t of then deed* and their surce*«e« . and laugh at 

Bfli Crawford's plan of matrimonial union, ami of .Mr. Monroe's 
plan . of gn ing se< in it\ . prospei it) . safe and profitable trade, to 
the frontier peUlemenUj with future expansion to the Pacific 
ocean, 

Pflll.U J \< KSON 



CONCLUSION. 

I will clo«e this pamphlet, by submitting to the consideration 
#f its readers, s >me resolutions of a numerous collection of young 
men, at Philadelphia, favorable to the election of General Jack- 
son. 'They were first published in the Columbian Observer, of 
that place, and have been re-published in the Louisville Public 
Advertiser, of the (jth of December. 1823. Those resolutions, 
and the reasons given for them, so exactly harmonize with my 
opinions and sensations at this time, and with what they "ere 
during the {{evolutionary contest, that I now proudly refer to 
them. 

During the Revolution, and since, I was acquainted with 
Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe. Should 
Mr. Jefferson ever read these pages, he will be reminded of the 
youth, who in the year 1781, co-operated with him as the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia, by directing several armed vessels, then 
ready for sea. in his design of capturing a British army, then 
stationed at Portsmouth, near Norfolk. The causes of the fail- 
ure of that enterprise; the subsequent disasters to those vessels. 
and the losses to their owners, are too much connected with Mr. 
Jefferson's life to be forgotten. But lest Ishould be mistaken, the 
invasions and depredations of Arnold, at the- city of Richmond; 
the occupation of Portsmouth by the British; the invasion of 
General Phillip-; the cannonading, destructiou and capture 
those vessels at Osborne's, were all too notorious to be ibrgotten. 

Such feelings and purposes as then acted upon the minds of 
every patriot, are now revived in mine, and have induced me 
to devote my bumble pen and talents to promote the election of 
General Jackson', as the most worthy and proper person to be 
the next President of the United Slates. 



From (he Columbian Observer. 
TOWN" MEETING OF DEMOCRATIC YOUNG ME 

At an unusually numerous and respectable meeting of the 
Democratic Young Men of the City and County of Philadelphia, 
friendly to the election of General Andrew Jackson as Pn 
dent of (he United States, held at the county Court House, in the 
city of Philadelphia, on Monday evening, November 17th, a- 
greeablv to public notire: 

Col, Joloi D. Goodwin wa= called to the chair, and 
Col. I Tot. P. Srnitk and Win. Fell:, E-q. were appointed Sec- 
retaries. 



26 

The call of the meeting having been read from the Colum- 
bian Oti-ei ver. (the only Democratic jaj'cr in the dtp tliat would 
publish the ca/L) Francis E. Brewstc . Esq. made a motion th;it 
tins meeting adjourn sine die. After consideiable debate, i he 
motion was put and losl unanimously — after which, the following 
Preamble and Resolutions wen ed by Col. C J.Jack. — 

The Preamble and Resolutions having heen read separately, 
were earned by an overwhelming maj >rii . 

PREAMBLE. 

The Democratic Young .'Men of the City and County of Phil- 
adelphia, animated by the glowing recoHectioos of the patriotic 
virtues and nbble. achievements of their forefathers, who fuught 
arnl bled in the ever memorable snuggle of *"G, ha\ e now met 
together in To-.cn .Meeting to nomitiale as the ne.it President of 

e United States, the last sitr hero of the Revolution, whose 

talents and experience; whose attainments and public cervices, 
together with hi* well tned patriotism, so eminently qualify him 
for that exalted qffi. 

In viewing the character of \ndrew Jackson a? it is pre- 
sented to US in hi* . . hi- sterling virtue?, 
his brilliant career, and his noble exploits, there is a 'ra- 
tion of civil and military excellence, too rare nod remarkable 
not to call forth our warmest and heart felt adniiraliou; our sin- 
cere love :nnl |nofin)i!(l gratitude. 

It is the | ty of minds, drilled in thn habits of the 

school, and incapable of appi ecial; renins, to look 

back to antiquity hr models to admire, and search through the 
histories of Greece and Romt for Patriots on whom to lavish their 
applause But on this ■• ision, L1VI EATNESS forci- 

t>lj us fi ''in the past, to ii\ nur admiration on what i* pic- 

seot; and while i |>r6ud to declare, that of all the candi- 

date-, now befoie the people, A > hasoui decided 

preference, wo are bold 'aim bunas a man, o f tat riot, a 

■ in, and a soldier, inferior to none that ever adorned past 
I all that ti"w tread the political stage in the 

it and important drama that i> acting. 

It has been the destiny of this met ling to be cast on the ti 
tic i f existence after the curtain had dropped in the greal tra- 

I) of Freedi m, which secured to the Republic, Independence 
and Liberty, It i- true ive are of another gem ration, but ue 
le. Although not actors in the Revolution y its 
puio and i on "Hit hat i <! upon us. We cherish 

it> free pi •» the vital spark that throbs in pui 

heart's bio ■ what is Lij 



27 

dependence, what is man? In tins spirit do we emulate, its deeds. 
Id this -pirit do «e solemnly resolve to support Andfew Jackson 
as our next Presidtnt. In him we behold a goldeil link heiween 
two generations. He connects us witn out venerated sires df 
tlie days of Seventy- Six lie is a bond between the creators and 
the heirs of liberty; and while we look up to him with atlec- 
tion and confidence, a< a Political Father, we also render him 
the homage °f our gratitude as the Saviour of his Country. In 
devoting ourselves entirely to promote tn- elecuoo, we pay a 
debt which no American can otherwise cancel — we rescue the 
Republic from the foul stigma of ingratitude, while we manifest 
to the world the best feelings of Freemen, and do all that lies in 
our power to give fasting stability to our political institution*, 
and to preserve in inviolable integrity the sacied rights of Man. 

The crisis before us is one big with momentous events of na- 
tional happiness, or political disaster. As Democrats, we con- 
sider .7 u drew Jackson as the only proper successor to a Jefferson^ 
a Madison, and a Monroe; and as the sole inheritor of the heroic 
mantle which covered a Washington with renown. In this bril- 
liant group of worthies, the Hero of Orleans stands second to 
none If Jefferson was pre-eminent as a statesman. Jackson is 
not less so. If Washington was immortalized as a soldier, Jack- 
son wears around his bro'w a Laurel as unfading and fruitful, 
with a glory as untarnished — a glory which the breath of a. 
lumny never enn soil- «tnch the arts of intriguers never can 
obscure. Combining in his character the wisdom of the state** 
man, with the skill and valour of a warrior. Jackson is proclaim- 
ed by every attribute which can qualify for the station as the 
deserving successor of the immortal father of his country. 

Solemnly and deeply impressed with these truths, and relying 
on the virtues and Independence of a Free and Democratic commu- 
nity, therefore — 

Rei 'V '. That we consider it an essential and inherent right 
in tlie People, to choose and nominate their own candidates for 
Office — for not having delegated that right to any body of men, 
we never shall deem ourselves bound to abide by a choice, which 
originating in usurpation, may only end in corruption and tyranny. 

Resolved, That we consider General Axnnr.w Jack -o^ as the 
candidate most worthy of our support, as the next President of 
the United — having full confidence in his virtue and pat- 

riotism — bis talents and courage — his democracy and firmrn 
conceiving him exclusively qualified to pieservethe Constitution 
and the rights of the people, in the purity and truth of Revolu- 
tionary Freedom. 



Resolved, Tint wc solemnly pledge our=elve= to do all that 
becomes the posterity of the Hemes of "7G. to promote his elec- 
tion — in defiance of the arts of Demagogues to «educe 'is, or of 
intriguers lo BOW distraction and discord in our ranks. 

Resolved, That ne recommend to the Democratic Young Men 
of other parts of this state, and of the Union, to cull meetings 
to support the Hero of O is our next President. 

Resolved^ That we conceive the Young Men of the U. States 
imperiously cMted (*p*n u» gi*a (heir unanimous anf j eothu-ia~tic 
Support to the Hero, who caused the Ravishersof "Beavty 1 * to 
take defeat and disgrace for their ''Booty;** thu- rescuing from 
the pollution of a brutal foe, the fairest and dearest portion of 
humanity — Woman! 

After which, it was 

Resolved, That a Committee of Supcrintendance, consisting of 
twenty, be appointed by the meeting. 



THE TOWN MEETTN-G OF YOUNG MEN, 
Held last night in the County Court room, composed of the 
friends of J \ckson, from the City and County, was numern" 
re-|ipctab!y attended, not less than 1000 being pre-' 
Some little opposition was manifested by the udhereot? to d 
ford) and slaves of <-<-K\ng Caucus" to the Resolutions, but it was 
voted down by enthusiastic acclamation — and the Preamble and 
Resolutions were adopted unauiqjuuoij. SWdooa has Philadel- 
phia witne-sed Buch a proud display of youthful ardor and patri 
-m. Let the example be imitated by the risi Deration of 

politicians, and they may \et h fvc tlio glory of saving the coun- 
try from the polluted grasp of antiquated intriguers, and the grey 
heads of ambition* It if ful lo the h patriotism, to 

hold the /' i v generation of free citi thus 

solemnly pledge themselves on the altar of their country, to re- 
fill io liberty, and true to the constitution, thrdUgh all 
changes and vicissitudes. May < lod and the love of liberty speed 
k, and unite all hearts in tavoi of tin' Hero, 
whom all t icans love and venerate. 



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